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The small African kingdom of Eswatini has found itself acting as a holding zone for deportees from the United States who are not even its citizens. On Wednesday, Eswatini's government publicly acknowledged that five third-country nationals, convicted criminals originally from Vietnam, Jamaica, Laos, Cuba, and Yemen, are currently being housed in isolated prison units under an agreement with the U.S. government.
These deportations were enabled after the U.S. Supreme Court lifted restrictions that previously prevented the removal of migrants to countries that were not their own. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) wasted no time putting that legal door into action.
According to DHS, the individuals had all been convicted of crimes in the U.S., but their countries of origin refused to accept their return. This diplomatic deadlock left Washington scrambling for alternatives. In stepped Eswatini—a relatively quiet, landlocked country of 1.2 million people, ruled by an absolute monarch since 1986.
U.S. officials, including DHS spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin, confirmed that the deportation flight had landed safely and that Eswatini had accepted the individuals under a special arrangement. The deal was the result of months of behind-the-scenes diplomacy between Eswatini and the U.S., according to Thabile Mdluli, Eswatini’s acting government spokesperson.
The revelation raises a troubling question: Is Eswatini being used as a holding site for global deportees the world doesn’t want back? The answer, for now, appears to be yes—with some guardrails. The five individuals are being housed separately from the general prison population, with Eswatini describing their current situation as "temporary transit detention."
The Eswatini government has expressed an intention to work with the International Organization for Migration (IOM) to coordinate the eventual repatriation of these individuals to their respective home countries. However, no definitive timeline or roadmap has been made public.
This situation treads a murky line in international migration and human rights law. Third-country detention arrangements—where individuals are deported to nations they do not belong to—raise serious concerns about sovereignty, detainee rights, and accountability. The IOM, which has often played a mediating role in such crises, has yet to comment officially.
Meanwhile, Eswatini’s admission has sparked debate both locally and globally. Critics question whether the kingdom, already dealing with its own domestic challenges, has the capacity—or moral authority—to host foreign convicts unwanted elsewhere.
While Eswatini’s cooperation may offer a short-term solution for the U.S., it may also expose the African nation to complex diplomatic liabilities. Hosting detainees with no ties to the country sets a precedent that could be politically and socially volatile. And if their home countries continue to refuse repatriation, Eswatini may be forced into a long-term custodial role it never signed up for.
As governments and international bodies scramble to manage deportations and refugee flows, Eswatini’s role underscores a growing trend: powerful nations offloading migration headaches onto less powerful partners, often through quiet deals that only come to light once boots—or prisoners—hit the ground.
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